Myths v. Facts

Myths v. Facts

Top Five  Immigration Myths

• MYTH #1: Enforcement-only policies are a practical  solution to the problem of undocumented  immigration
• MYTH #2:  Immigrant workers suppress the wages of American workers. 
• MYTH #3: The nation spends  billions of dollars on welfare for undocumented immigrants.
• MYTH #4: Undocumented immigrants are more likely to commit crimes than  native-born citizens.
• MYTH #5:  Immigrants don’t “assimilate” into U.S.  society.
  

Additional resources for more information on immigration:

• The Immigration Policy Center
• National Immigration Law Center
  
• National Immigration Forum
  
• NCLR
  

FAQs about  NCLR

• What is the National Council of La Raza?
• What does the  term “La Raza” mean?
• Whom does NCLR  serve?
• How does NCLR work toward achieving its  mission?
• How does cooperation and collaboration with  partners advance NCLR’s mission?
• What is NCLR’s role in providing an Hispanic  perspective on national issues?
• Who are NCLR’s  leaders?
• What constitutes NCLR’s governing  structure?
• What publication resources are available from  NCLR?

Five Facts about Undocumented Workers in the United States

The strong presence of undocumented workers in the U.S. labor force illustrates the imbalance between the nation's immigration system and current economic realities. This fact sheet challenges some common myths about undocumented workers.

TOP 5 IMMIGRATION MYTHS OF THIS CAMPAIGN SEASON:
Ending the Immigration Spin - Just the Facts
(This document is reprinted courtesy of the American Immigration Lawyers Association)

Immigration has already figured prominently in the Presidential primary campaigns and the issue is unlikely to fade from the limelight any time soon. Debates over immigration policy have always generated strong emotional reactions, but the intensity surrounding the current national debate has reached new levels. The rhetoric by some of the Presidential candidates and their supporters has moved from hyperbole to unbridled misrepresentation.

The American public is justifiably angry about undocumented immigration and the Federal government's failure to gain control over our borders. But if we ever hope to adopt a practical policy solution that restores the rule of law and advances the interests of our nation, we must untangle fact from fiction. Perpetuating myths and exploiting fears to drive policy are two sure-fire ways to make a bad situation worse.

As the campaign season rolls onward and the intensity of the debate escalates, five recurring myths must be dispelled to clear the way for honest dialogue.

MYTH #1: Enforcement-only policies are a practical solution to the problem of undocumented immigration.
FACTS: Policies geared only towards "sealing the border" or deporting the undocumented without reforming the immigration system and providing a path to legal status for undocumented immigrants already in the country would cost the nation hundreds of billions of dollars and have a devastating impact on vast swaths of the U.S. economy.

• A 2005 study from the Center for American Progress (CAP) estimates that it would cost between $206 billion and $230 billion over five years to deport all undocumented immigrants from the United States. Moreover, in a 2006 study, CAP calculates that removing all undocumented immigrants from the U.S. labor force would result in a shortfall of nearly 2.5 million less-skilled workers.
• As a 2006 report from the Pew Hispanic Center notes, there were 14.6 million people in families headed by undocumented immigrants as of March 2005, including 3.1 million U.S.-citizen children and 1.8 million undocumented children, as well as adult family members who are legally present in the United States. Attempting to deport all undocumented immigrants would therefore disrupt entire families and communities and decimate industries that depend heavily on immigrant workers, both legal and undocumented.
• The Pew report also estimates that the 7.2 million workers among the 11.5 undocumented immigrants in the United States as of March 2005-while accounting for 4.9 percent of the labor force as a whole-comprised 24 percent of all workers in farming, fishing, and forestry; 17 percent in building and grounds cleaning and maintenance; 14 percent in construction; 12 percent in food preparation and serving; and 9 percent in production occupations. Mass deportations therefore would have a devastating effect on numerous industries, particularly given the small and shrinking number of younger native-born workers available to fill these kinds of less-skilled jobs.

MYTH #2: Immigrant workers suppress the wages of American workers.
FACTS: The overwhelming majority of economists agree that immigrants increase the economic productivity and thus the wages of natives.

• A 2006 study by University of California, Davis, economist Giovanni Peri found that because immigrant workers generally "complement"-rather than substitute for-native workers in terms of their education and skills, immigration tends to increase the productivity, and therefore the wages, of natives.
• As a result of this "complementarity," the White House Council of Economic Advisers concluded in a 2007 report that roughly 90 percent of native-born workers experience wage gains from immigration, which total between $30 billion and $80 billion per year.

MYTH #3: The nation spends billions of dollars on welfare for undocumented immigrants.
FACTS: To the contrary, undocumented immigrants are not eligible to receive any "welfare" benefits and even legal immigrants are severely restricted in the benefits they can receive.

• As the Congressional Research Service points out in a 2007 report, undocumented immigrants, who comprise nearly one-third of all immigrants in the country, are not eligible to receive public "welfare" benefits-ever. Legal permanent residents (LPRs) must pay into the Social Security and Medicare systems for approximately 10 years before they are eligible to receive benefits when they retire. In most cases, LPRs can not receive SSI, which is available only to U.S. citizens, and are not eligible for means-tested public benefits until 5 years after receiving their green cards.
• A 2007 analysis of welfare data by researchers at the Urban Institute reveals that less than 1 percent of households headed by undocumented immigrants receive cash assistance for needy families, compared to 5 percent of households headed by native-born U.S. citizens.

A 2007 analysis of U.S. Census data by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities makes clear that it is the U.S.-born, U.S.-citizen children of undocumented immigrants who are eligible for programs such as Medicaid and the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP). The analysis found that, between 1995 and 2005, the share of low-income, non-citizen immigrant children (either undocumented or legally present) who received Medicaid or SCHIP dropped from 36 percent to 30 percent. In comparison, there were increases in the Medicaid or SCHIP participation of low-income citizen children, whether they lived in immigrant-headed households or households headed by native-born citizens (rising from 45-47 percent in 1995 to 53-54 percent in 2005)

MYTH #4: Undocumented immigrants are more likely to commit crimes than native-born citizens.
FACTS: This is a frequently repeated claim, but the exact opposite is true: both undocumented and legal immigrants are significantly less likely to commit crimes than U.S. citizens.

• According to a 2007 study by University of California, Irvine, sociologist Rubén G. Rumbaut, among men age 18-39 (who comprise the vast majority of the U.S. prison population), the incarceration rate for the native-born (3.5 percent) was five times higher than the rate for immigrants (0.7 percent) in 2000.
• The study also found that incarceration rates were lower for immigrants from Mexico, El Salvador, and Guatemala-who account for the majority of undocumented immigrants. In 2000, only 0.7 percent of foreign-born Mexican men and 0.5 percent of foreign-born Salvadoran and Guatemalan men were in prison.
• A 2005 study by economists Kristin F. Butcher and Anne Morrison Piehl, released by the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago, concluded that lower incarceration rates among immigrants are not the result of deportation or the threat of deportation. Rather, immigrants are a "self-selected" group with "low criminal propensities."

MYTH #5: Immigrants don't "assimilate" into U.S. society.
FACTS: Immigrants learn English and climb the socioeconomic ladder over time, and their children and grandchildren make even greater strides.

• A comprehensive 2007 study released by the Russell Sage Foundation found that:
  • Among Latino immigrants who arrived in California between 1960 and 1970, the poverty rate declined from 23.9 percent in 1970 to 16.8 percent in 1980 and 12.6 percent in 1990.
  • Latino immigrants in California exhibit exceptionally large gains in homeownership-a key indicator of entry into the middle class. Homeownership rose from 16.4 percent of Latino immigrant householders in California who arrived in the U.S. in the last 10 years to 64.6 percent among those who have lived here for 30 years or more.
  • Latino immigrants who arrived in the 1970s in California had a 16.3 percent homeownership rate in 1980, which rose to 33.6 percent in 1990, and then climbed to 51.9 percent in 2000.
• A 2007 study by the Pew Hispanic Center found that among "adult first-generation Latinos, just 23% say they can carry on a conversation in English very well. That share rises sharply, to 88%, among the second generation of adults, and to 94% among the third and higher generations."
• According to a 2003 study from the RAND Corporation, "2nd and 3rd-generation Hispanic men have made great strides in closing their economic gaps with native whites. The reason is simple: each successive generation has been able to close the schooling gap with native whites which then has been translated into generational progress in incomes.
  

Frequently Asked Questions about the National Council Of La Raza (NCLR)

What is the National Council of La Raza?
The National Council of La Raza (NCLR) - the largest national Hispanic civil rights and advocacy organization in the United States - works to improve opportunities for Hispanic Americans. Through its network of nearly 300 affiliated community-based organizations (CBOs), NCLR reaches millions of Hispanics each year in 41 states, Puerto Rico, and the District of Columbia. Founded in 1968, NCLR is a private, nonprofit, nonpartisan, tax-exempt organization headquartered in Washington, DC. NCLR serves all Hispanic subgroups in all regions of the country and has operations in Atlanta, Chicago, Los Angeles, New York, Phoenix, Sacramento, San Antonio, and San Juan, Puerto Rico.

What does the term "La Raza" mean?
The term "La Raza" has its origins in early 20th century Latin American literature and translates into English most closely as "the people," or, according to some scholars, "the Hispanic people of the New World." The term was coined by Mexican scholar José Vasconcelos to reflect the fact that the people of Latin America are a mixture of many of the world's races, cultures, and religions. Some people have mistranslated "La Raza" to mean "The Race," implying that it is a term meant to exclude others. In fact, the full term coined by Vasconcelos, "La Raza Cósmica," meaning the "cosmic people," was developed to reflect not purity but the mixture inherent in the Hispanic people. This is an inclusive concept, meaning that Hispanics share with all other peoples of the world a common heritage and destiny.

Whom does NCLR serve?
NCLR serves all Hispanic nationality groups in all regions of the country through its formal network of nearly 300 Affiliates - reaching millions of Hispanics annually. NCLR welcomes affiliation from independent Hispanic groups that share NCLR's goals and self-help philosophy. NCLR also assists Hispanic groups that are not formal Affiliates through issue networks on health, education, housing, leadership, and other areas.

How does NCLR work toward achieving its mission?
NCLR works through two primary, complementary approaches:

• Capacity-building assistance to support and strengthen Hispanic community-based organizations: providing organizational assistance in management, governance, program operations, and resource development to Hispanic community-based organizations nationwide, especially those that serve low-income and disadvantaged Hispanics.
• Applied research, policy analysis, and advocacy: providing an Hispanic perspective in five key areas - assets/investments, civil rights/immigration, education, employment and economic status, and health - to increase policy-maker and public understanding of Hispanic needs and to encourage the adoption of programs and policies that equitably serve Hispanics.

NCLR strengthens these efforts with public information, media activities, and collaboration. These include formation of and participation in coalitions and other special activities that use the NCLR structure and credibility to create other entities or projects that are important to the Hispanic community.

How does cooperation and collaboration with partners advance NCLR's mission?
NCLR staff belong to and help lead many issue-focused coalitions and associations, cooperating with other nonprofit organizations and private-sector entities on issues ranging from welfare reform to charter schools. All of NCLR's national projects include efforts to educate public and private organizations about Hispanic needs and help them develop partnerships with community-based organizations. As a member of the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, NCLR also carries out joint projects with other Latino organizations and its sister civil rights organizations to advocate for increased opportunities for Latinos throughout the country.

What is NCLR's role in providing an Hispanic perspective on national issues?
NCLR's Policy Analysis Center is the premier voice in Washington, DC for Hispanic Americans. Its unique capacity to provide timely policy analyses, combined with its considerable advocacy expertise, a reputation for political independence, and an identifiable constituency, permits NCLR to play an important role in policy and advocacy efforts. Its policy-oriented documents command extensive press and policy-maker attention, and NCLR is consistently asked to testify and comment on public policy issues such as immigration and education, as well as other issues of broad concern, from affordable housing to health policy and tax reform. It uses a synergistic and complementary approach between its capacity-building efforts and its advocacy-related activities to achieve its goals.

Who are NCLR's leaders?
NCLR President and CEO Janet Murguía has emerged as a key figure among the next generation of leaders in the Latino community. She began her career in Washington, DC as legislative counsel to former Kansas Congressman Jim Slattery, serving for seven years. She then worked at the White House in various capacities from 1994 to 2000, ultimately as deputy assistant to President Clinton and deputy director of legislative affairs, serving as a senior White House liaison to Congress. Prior to joining NCLR, she was the Executive Vice Chancellor for University Relations at the University of Kansas, overseeing the university's internal and external relations with the public, including governmental and public affairs, and coordinating the university's strategic planning and marketing efforts.

Murguía is currently a Board member of the Independent Sector, a coalition of leading nonprofits, foundations, and corporations committed to connecting, informing, and advocating on behalf of the nonprofit and philanthropic community. She also sits on the Board of the Hispanic Association on Corporate Responsibility and the National Hispanic Leadership Agenda. In addition, Murguía is an executive committee member of the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and a member of the Merrill Lynch Diversity & Inclusion Council. In 2007, Murguía was named to Poder magazine's "The Poderosos 100," Latino Leaders magazine's "101 Top Leaders of the Hispanic Community," and Hispanic magazine's "Powerful Latinos 2007." In 2006, Murguía was name to Washingtonian magazine's "100 Most Powerful Women in Washington," The NonProfit Times' "Power and Influence Top 50" leaders, and People En Español's "100 Most Influential Hispanics 2006." Hispanic Business magazine named Murguía as a finalist for its 2005 "Woman of the Year Award," and in 2004, Hispanic magazine chose her for its annual list of "100 Top Latinas" and Hispanic Business magazine selected her as one of the "100 Most Influential Hispanics."

NCLR Board Chair is Monica Lozano is Senior Vice President of Impremedia LLC, the first national Spanish-language newspaper company in the United States. She is also the publisher and Chief Executive Officer of La Opinión, the nation's largest Spanish-language daily newspaper which is headquartered in Los Angeles. Under her direction, La Opinión has entered into important strategic partnerships with key media companies, nonprofits, government, and private businesses, and the paper has received numerous awards for its consistently high editorial quality. It has spearheaded important efforts to inform Latinos about critical issues including education, health care, economic development, financial literacy, financial aid for students, and civic participation.

Lozano serves on the Board of Directors of the Walt Disney Company and Bank of America Corporation. She also sits on numerous nonprofit boards, including the California HealthCare Foundation and the Weingart Foundation. In 2001, Lozano was appointed to the University of California Board of Regents, and since 1990 has served on the Board of Trustees of the University of Southern California.

What constitutes NCLR's governing structure?
NCLR's governing Board of Directors represents the constituency it serves. Bylaws require that the Board include representatives of all geographic regions of the U.S. and all Hispanic subgroups, that half the Board represent Affiliates or have identifiable constituencies, and that the Board include equal representation of men and women. The Board's leadership consists of a Chairperson and an Executive Committee - members who share responsibility for Board governance and organizational oversight issues.

NCLR also receives guidance from its Corporate Board of Advisors (CBA). Established in 1982, the CBA is made up of senior executives and liaison staff from 25 major corporations. The CBA meets with NCLR leadership twice a year to discuss issues and programs of common concern. CBA members also assist NCLR and its network through financial, in-kind, and programmatic support.

What publication resources are available from NCLR?
NCLR has produced and offers a range of resources to educate the public and the Latino community about important issues. In particular, its publications are a credible source of facts and information on a wide range of issues, from education and health to political and social empowerment. They present a uniquely Hispanic perspective, particularly on issues affecting minority, limited-English-speaking, and/or low-income Hispanics. Materials include research and policy papers, training materials, statistical analyses, fact sheets, issue updates, congressional testimony, and selected speeches and presentations. These materials can be obtained through NCLR's publications page at http://www.nclr.org.